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Former CIA General Counsel Jim Petrila joins Peter Mina to break down the evolution of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), the controversies surrounding Section 702, and the growing tension between national security surveillance and civil liberties. Petrila explains how technological shifts after the Cold War and 9/11 transformed intelligence collection, leading to major legal and policy battles over government access to communications data.

The conversation explores incidental collection of Americans’ communications, debate over the need to obtain warrants, oversight concerns, and the expanding role of third-party data brokers that collect and sell personal information outside many traditional safeguards. Petrila also warns how surveillance authorities and emergency powers can become vulnerable to abuse when accountability and public trust erode.

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Watch and listen to new Sentinel episodes each Tuesday. Subscribe and review us on your favorite podcast platform.

About the guest: James Petrila spent over thirty years as a lawyer in the Intelligence Community, working at the National Security Agency and, for most of his career, at the Central Intelligence Agency. He has taught courses on counterterrorism law and legal issues at the CIA at the George Washington University School of Law. He is currently a senior advisor to the Institute for the Study of States of Exception and is a member of The Steady State.

Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 400 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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With the Strike on a “Drug-Carrying Boat,” Trump Returns to a Dangerous US  Policy for Latin America | The Nation

Under the banner of “narco-terrorism,” the U.S. has embraced a doctrine of extrajudicial violence that weakens both the rule of law abroad and constitutional restraints at home.

Every week or so, brief new blurbs appear in print and cable news shows – such as “US strikes alleged drug boat in the Pacific, kills two” – and then coverage moves on to larger conflicts on bigger global stages. But these brief stories actually are related to those larger conflicts; let’s go back and remember how we got here.

Using the U.S. military to kill suspected drug traffickers without detention or trial, which started in September 2025, was a “starter drug” for our current wanton disregard for international norms of minimal use of force or clear definition of ‘enemy combatants.’

Why is our nation still committing extrajudicial killings, basically murdering people at sea, and what does it mean for our democracy and national security? Without the permissive response that this Administration received when it first started violating clear international laws, would our world be different today?

As of May 5, the U.S. military had publicly claimed striking 53 boats and killing 188 people: a running tally is maintained by Airwars.org. After reporting a strike and resulting deaths, the U.S. generally has not provided further information about the evidence that provoked the strike, what was found in the wreckage, or potential linkages between those boats and larger trafficking organizations in the origin countries or in North America and Europe.

The executive branch has offered various justifications for this series of military actions, now in its eighth month, with no formal objection by Congress or much public reaction in the United States. These justifications center on defining drug cartels as terrorist organizations and calling drug couriers terrorists who are assaulting the United States and causing US deaths through overdoses. There is no clear rationale offered as to why lethal force is needed if no imminent danger is posed and other options (such as non-lethal disabling of the boat or warning shots) have always been available. In fact, legal experts have made it clear that these actions are better described as extra-judicial killings, because under both U.S. and international law, the military cannot be used to kill civilians for committing non-lethal crimes such as smuggling.

Some in the US military have questioned these actions and lost their jobs. In December, Southern Command head Admiral Alvin Holsey was forced to retire, reportedly for objecting to the lethal strikes.

The boat strikes fail even to achieve their ostensible purpose of stopping the flow of drugs to the United States. Evidence from survivors, and from washed-up remains on the shared Colombian-Venezuelan Guajira Peninsula, indicates that many of these may have been simple fishing boats or else boats running marijuana to neighboring islands. It’s unlikely that significant methamphetamine or cocaine cargoes would be sent on boats too small to have had any chance of reaching the United States.

None of this makes strategic sense. The Administration’s National Security and National Defense strategies emphasize the importance of the Western Hemisphere to U.S. interests and security, yet we are raising the political cost of securing Latin American alliances. We damage our broader security interests: Colombia and the United Kingdom (with significant presence in the Caribbean) have both suspended some counternarcotics intelligence-sharing over this issue. Worldwide, U.S actions grant tacit permission for China to sink vessels in the high seas in defense of whatever it chooses to define as terrorism or criminal behavior. And we can’t discount the risk to American citizens traveling abroad that our refusal to respect international norms entails: Our citizens will be subject to whatever rough justice any country chooses to mete out – as long as it’s in international waters.

Meanwhile, the United States’ reputation as a violator of international laws is taking shape. In January 2026, families of two Trinidad fishermen killed in a boat strike filed a lawsuit in Massachusetts against the United States government, using two federal statutes: the “Death on the High Seas Act” which allows family members to sue for wrongful deaths occurring on the high seas, and the Alien Tort Statute, which allows foreign citizens to sue in U.S. federal courts for violations of well-recognized human rights norms. And in response to a petition filed last December by a Colombian family, in March the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights held a hearing questioning the legality of U.S. actions. At that hearing, the U.N. Special Rapporteur for protecting fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism accused the U.S. of “lawless violence that flagrantly violates human rights, in its phony war on so-called narco-terrorism,” stating that the portrayal of suspected drug traffickers as responsible for “speculative drug overdoses” did not constitute a “permissible law enforcement action in personal self-defense or the defense of others.”

We have watched Congress repeatedly abrogate its responsibility to restrain the Executive’s use of force overseas. After failing to do so regarding the boat strikes, Congress remains mute regarding the extrajudicial rendition of the former Venezuelan president. It is no wonder that Congress is having difficulty remembering its War Powers Act responsibilities with respect to Iran.

These military actions are a human, legal, and security disaster, and are being conducted in a manner that is incompatible with our democracy, norms, and, likely, constitution.

We must not turn away from reports of yet more deaths. The point may never have been the drugs or the lives. It was the normalization of rhetoric that can be turned against any of us, lethally, without due process of law. And that’s just plain frightening.

A retired U.S. Department of State senior career diplomat with 30 years’ experience in security, human rights, and counter-narcotics policy, Annie Pforzheimer was Deputy Chief of Mission at the US Embassy in Kabul and is currently an adjunct professor of international relations. She is a member of The Steady State.

Luis G. Moreno, former U.S. Ambassador to Jamaica, with a 35-year career, spanning Latin America, the Caribbean, the Middle East and Europe. He is a member of The Steady State.

Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 400 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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What Happens When Democracy’s Guardrails Fail?

The Steady State focused this week on the growing erosion of democratic institutions in the United States and the broader West. Politicized intelligence, weakened diplomacy, judicial overreach, corruption, hybrid warfare, and fear-driven politics reveal a common thread: the replacement of expertise and truth with loyalty, ideology and personal power. Corruption, manufactured fear, attacks on professional institutions and the normalization of executive overreach are indicative of a slow collapse of the norms, institutions and shared realities that sustain constitutional government.

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The Mission

The Chairman of the Board of The Steady State, The Honorable James C. O’Brien, testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on the security of critical Baltic Sea infrastructure. Noting that addressing these threats requires not just technical solutions but also a workforce and leadership “entrusted with the use of force and the protection of civil liberties” to operate with the highest degree of integrity.” He further emphasized that “safeguarding democratic institutions requires competent, experienced, and principled leadership, especially in positions entrusted with extraordinary power.”

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Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 400 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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THE EXTREMISTS

America’s most dangerous extremist threat is not ANTIFA but the far-right fringe of the MAGA movement, where racism, religious nationalism, and contempt for constitutional democracy increasingly converge to justify violence and authoritarianism.

Extremists of all stripes claim to right great wrongs; to represent that which is self-sacrificing and noble; to lead the uninformed masses either back to a grand and glorious past or into a bright and promising future. They are utterly convinced of the rectitude of their cause. They are therefore self-righteous. They are also extravagant in their claims. It sure sounds a lot like the far-right fringe of the MAGA political movement, who represent positions that are racist, religiously based, and anti-Constitutional. Typically, these violence prone extremists are easily misled by the self-interested and unscrupulous, Donald Trump for example.

This president identified ANTIFA as a domestic terrorist organization in an executive order. But, according to The Hill, “ANTIFA lacks “
formal leadership and structure
”. Moreover, the political objectives of those who identify with ANTIFA’s goals are anti-Fascist, anti-authoritarian, and supportive of democratic norms. But there is still more. Trump’s DOJ removed a 2024 study from its website that stated, “The number of far-right attacks continues to outpace all other types of terrorism and domestic violence extremism.” The insurrection that took place at the US Capitol Building in 2021 still resonates. Here, extremists claiming to be patriots, committed horrendous acts of violence in the service of a corrupt sitting president who is pathologically unable to admit defeat. These acolytes, generally Caucasian, proclaim to be anti-immigration; anti-Black; anti-Muslim; and oftentimes antisemitic, anti-abortion, anti-elite, anti-government, anti-tax, and anti-vax. In fact, it is difficult to know precisely what the far-right wing of MAGA supports beyond pasty complexion and in-your-face religious faith, leading inexorably to violence.

ANTI-CONSTITUTIONAL

MAGA’s right wing extremists are also relentlessly anti-constitutional. They appear to believe in the absolute right of the individual to pretty much do as they please. During the pandemic, disciples of MAGA in many cases refused to wear masks and repudiated vaccinations based on the absurd notion that both were somehow an invasion of their right to choose. They took no notice that their exercise of rights endangered others through the spread of COVID and resulting deaths. They seemed to be all about individual rights without bearing any responsibility for their actions or lack thereof. Their issues with our constitutional democracy did not end with the pandemic. In his quest to establish an authoritarian regime in his second term, this president is seeking to restrict voting, is promoting grossly- expanded executive authority,, has challenged the 14th Amendment; and is ignoring the separation of powers. Regrettably, these unlawful positions are also found within what passes for moderation within the MAGA Movement as a whole.

RELIGION IN POLITICS: A BAD IDEA

Hindus, Zoroastrians, Muslims, Rastafarians, Jews, Animists, Wiccans, and the many fractured sects of Christianity–as well as those practicing no religion, are all guaranteed the same protection under the law, whereas this administration asserts that Christianity is to be the Religion of the State. Under the US Constitution, religion is supposed to be a protected and private matter, and rightly so. When religion goes public, belief comes to dominate all public discourse. Those who believe differently are marginalized, imprisoned, or killed. Am I being unnecessarily alarmist? I do not think so. Religious fanaticism has been responsible for more spilled blood than any other cause in history.

RACIAL VIOLENCE: STILL THRIVING

It is often repeated that slavery is America’s original sin. That stain was not washed clean by the US Civil War: far from it. Racism subsequently went underground. Separate but equal really meant Jim Crow Laws, poll taxes, and midnight lynchings – all designed to control Blacks and suppress their right to vote. Black Americans remain today far behind whites in nearly every metric used to judge the health of a society with the notable exception of the rates of incarceration. In 2024, the FBI identified “11,679 hate crime incidents” with over half relating to anti-Black bias. White House demands for increased Congressional gerrymandering, designed to suppress the Black vote, have become a national embarrassment. Stripping Black people of their Constitutional right to have their vote count is another form of violence that merely wears a contemporary suit of fancy clothes instead of a pointy hat. Violent white supremacists find shelter in the far-right of the MAGA movement.

CONCLUSION

This presidential administration’s focus on ANTIFA is a red herring. The greater threat of violence is from the far-right of the MAGA movement. That threat is defined by the confluence of multiple influences. Three of the more prominent are anti-constitutionality, twisted religion, and violent racism. These positions and beliefs have served to create, support, and expand the ranks of today’s MAGA right-wing extremists. A secular government – intended by the Founders – requires reason and compromise. Religion requires belief. Racism requires stupidity. Anti-Constitutionality requires lawlessness. Whether or not America can withstand these negative influences remains an open question. With the upcoming mid-term elections and given this Oval Office’s history of fomenting MAGA far-right extremist violence, I fear there is much worse to come.

With special thanks to Professor (emeritus) Ben Lawton of Purdue University

Robert Bruce Adolph , a qualified Military Strategist,is a retired senior US Army Special Forces soldier. He holds graduate degrees in both National Security Studies & International Affairs and was formally trained as a counterintelligence special agent. Robert also taught university level courses in American Government, US History, and World Politics. Following his retirement from the active military, he joined the UN, subsequently seeing service in Sierra Leone, Yemen, Iraq, Egypt, Israel/Palestine, Indonesia and more, culminating in the role of Chief of the Middle East and North Africa at UN Headquarters in New York. He is the author of “Surviving the United Nations,” now out in a second edition. He is a member of The Steady State.

Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 400 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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Trump’s East Wing ballroom may become the ultimate political “long con” —a project sold as privately financed that gradually conditions the public to accept ever-expanding taxpayer commitments as inevitable and necessary.

When Donald Trump was inaugurated in January 2025, he kicked off with a barrage of executive orders, ‘flooding the zone’ with more than the normal human mind can process effectively, and he hasn’t let up since. So many things have happened, keeping track, and assessing the damage he’s doing to American democracy is a fulltime job. Some of the things he’s done, like starting a war with Iran, attacking Venezuela and kidnapping their president, ordering the destruction of alleged drug smuggling boats in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific—the list goes on—dominate the headlines, causing some of his other misbehavior to have to compete for oxygen in the media biosphere.

One example of the myriad actions he’s thrown against the wall to see if they stick is his much-ballyhooed ballroom which he wants to build on the site of the demolished East Wing of the White House. It gets media now and then, and has even been the subject of a few in-depth analyses. What’s been overlooked, or ignored, is the fact that this project, regardless of the final outcome, is likely to go down in history as the world’s greatest con job, a masterful long con.

Here’s why.

A long con (short for “long confidence game”) is a scam that plays out over time. The mark is slowly conditioned to accept a storyline, small commitments are normalized, and the biggest “ask” comes only after the target has been nudged into believing the outcome is inevitable. In politics, the “mark” is the public, and sometimes even Congress; while the payoff is not just money, but power, precedent, and a new reality that people feel too exhausted to reverse.

Here’s how the long con works.

Start with the pitch. In late July 2025, the White House announced plans for a roughly 90,000-square-foot “event space”/ballroom as part of an “East Wing Modernization Project,” floating an initial estimate of about $200 million and promising it would be paid for by Trump and “patriot donors,” with “not one dollar” coming from taxpayers.

Almost immediately, ethics lawyers and preservation advocates warned that even if private money covered the structure, the federal government would still be on the hook for approvals, operations, maintenance, staffing, and, most importantly, security. There were also concerns by some ethics experts that this project would be an opening for donors to gain favor with this and future administrations.

Then came the familiar creep. By September and October 2025, Trump was publicly revising the price tag upward—first to around $250 million, then to about $300 million—while insisting the financing story had not changed. In the same period, professional organizations pressed for transparency and for the normal historic review process to run its course. Site preparation was underway before those processes were complete, which mattered because once you start ripping things out, “debate” becomes mostly ceremonial.

The decisive move was demolition. Beginning around October 20, 2025, heavy equipment began tearing down the East Wing, and by October 23 the structure had been reduced to rubble—an irreversible act that reframed the argument from “should we do this?” to “how do we finish what’s started?” Trump defended the destruction as necessary for a “beautiful building,” while the White House repeated that private donors would pay. Meanwhile, reporting raised a second-order question: even if a donor pays for walls and chandeliers, who pays for fencing, screening lanes, command posts, blast mitigation, underground work, and the Secret Service footprint that comes with a permanent new mass-gathering venue on the compound?

Through late 2025 into early 2026, the project took on the look of an established “program”: design teams were selected, plans circulated, and federal planning bodies heard waves of public comment. Whatever one thinks of the merits, the direction of travel was clear—construction first, arguments later. By the start of 2026, cranes, barriers, and the language of “modernization” had effectively laundered a vanity addition into the category of routine infrastructure.

In May 2026, the estimate jumped again. Trump acknowledged the price had risen from about $200 million to “something less than $400” million, arguing that “deep rooted studies” had led to a ballroom roughly twice the size and of “far higher quality” than the original concept. That is the classic midpoint of the long con. The mark is told the change is not a change at all, merely an “upgrade” that was “necessary,” decided “long ago,” and somehow still “under budget.”

And then came the big “ask,” dressed up as something else. Senate Republicans began floating ways to put federal money behind the project, including one proposal for $400 million directly and, more consequentially, a much larger proposal that would set aside $1 billion in a budget reconciliation package for Secret Service “security adjustments and upgrades” tied to the East Wing Modernization Project—language that pointed straight at the ballroom site while avoiding the word ballroom. Supporters argued the money would fund only security features, not the “structure,” but that distinction is exactly the point: if taxpayers fund the perimeter hardening, underground work, screening infrastructure, and long-term protective footprint, the public is still paying for the project to function as designed.

Look back at the sequence and the “long con” shape snaps into focus. First, announce a shiny project with a relatively “reasonable” number and a crowd-pleasing pledge—private donors will cover it. Next, begin irreversible work (demolition) so resistance feels futile. Then, quietly expand the scope and normalize larger numbers: $200 million becomes $250 million, becomes $300 million, becomes “something less than $400” million. Finally, when the public is tired and the compound is already a construction zone, shift the costliest and least visible parts to the taxpayer by relabeling them as national security necessities.

Whether or not a single check is ever written for the ballroom’s walls, the con is that the walls were never the real expense. The real expense is the government commitment that follows the concrete: security, operations, and appropriations—forever.

Charles A. Ray served 20 years in the U.S. Army, including two tours in Vietnam. He retired as a senior US diplomat, serving 30 years in the U.S. Foreign Service, with assignments as ambassador to the Kingdom of Cambodia and the Republic of Zimbabwe, and was the first American consul general in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. He also served in senior positions with the Department of Defense and is a member of The Steady State.

Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 390 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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The Chairman of the Board of The Steady State, Jim C. O’Brien, testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on April 30 2026.

His Opening Comments:

“Thank you to the Committee for highlighting the importance of the Baltic Sea and the infrastructure under its surface. The Committee – and my fellow witness, Dr. Schmitt – have laid out the factual context very well. Simply put, the globe’s 500 or so cables carry more than 99% of the world’s digital traffic, and undersea infrastructure will be increasingly important for the transmission of energy and electricity. Over the last decade undersea infrastructure has become a site of considerable investment by America’s largest companies, adding another strong US interest in its protection. There are 100 – 200 outages in a typical a year. Most are accidental, but there is a growing and troubling pattern of disruption by Russian and Chinese ships.

I will focus on some policy implications of this last point. The first lesson is timeless: we can deter now or pay later. Russian and Chinese ships have been involved in multiple attacks in the Baltic over the last several years, and those countries are learning how and whether the US will answer. The Allies affected directly by sabotage in the Baltic — Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Finland, Sweden, Denmark, Germany through to Belgium, France, and the UK – are NATO’s fighting flank. They are critical to defending the Arctic as well as Russia’s northern sea routes to the globe. If we do not stand with them potential adversaries will believe that we will not stand with anyone.

Also, our current posture poses a risk of escalation. Russia is reported to be placing armed personnel on shadow fleet vessels, raising the cost of stops intended to ensure that the ships do not threaten lives, other ships, and the environment. Ukraine is targeting Russian export infrastructure used in the region, arguably because without further US action in the Baltic it is difficult to stop Russia from earning funds from oil exports. Our NATO Allies may face strong domestic pressure to answer Russian provocations. In short, the conditions are ripe for miscalculation or error to lead to more violence. A stronger US presence can persuade everyone that escalation is in no one’s interest.

Finally, the Baltic Sea presents a test case of an issue that will face US Administrations for decades: how can the US ensure that the basic conditions of prosperity and security — including undersea cables and pipelines, freedom of navigation, and assets in space – are provided and protected?”

Jim O’Brien is a distinguished visiting fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations. At ECFR, he works on identifying issues that can form the basis of a renewed and sustained transatlantic partnership.

Previously, O’Brien served as Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian affairs in the Biden administration, as head of the Office of Sanctions Coordination, and under President Obama as the special envoy for hostage affairs. He was also a career official at the State Department from 1989 to 2001, serving in the Office of the Secretary, Policy Planning, and the Office of the Legal Adviser as well as presidential envoy for the Balkans.

Outside government, O’Brien was a founder and Vice Chair of international advisory firm Albright Stonebridge group (ASG), which has worked in more than 100 countries globally since 2001. He holds a JD from Yale Law School, a MA from the University of Pittsburgh, and a BA from Macalester College.

Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 400 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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The State Department has been hollowed out. Career diplomats are afraid to speak. Unions have been derecognized. And a Heritage Foundation‑affiliated organization, the Benjamin Franklin Fellowship, now functions like the Communist Party in the Soviet Union: you don’t have to join, but you won’t get ahead if you don’t. In this episode, former Ambassador Eric Rubin tells Peter Mina why he refuses to stay silent – and why he still believes America’s best days can be ahead.

In the latest episode of The Steady State Sentinel, host Peter Mina—founder of the Mina Firm and former DHS civil rights official—sits down with Eric Rubin—a former career diplomat of 38 years who served as U.S. Ambassador to Bulgaria from 2016 to 2019 and as president of the American Foreign Service Association (AFSA) from 2019 to 2023. Rubin now works with the Democratic Resilience Program at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) and serves on the board of directors of The Steady State.

Rubin grew up in a family of activists— his mother was at the March on Washington with Dr. King— and he learned the union songs as a child. That background, he says, is what drives him to speak out when so many others are afraid.

Here is what you need to know from a conversation about the destruction of the nonpartisan Foreign Service, the loss of expertise, and what gives him hope.

“My Life’s Work Is Under Very Serious Threat”

Rubin began his Foreign Service career in 1985, when the United States effectively ran the world. He watched the Cold War end and several hundred million people achieve freedom. He worked in Ukraine, Russia, Thailand, and Bulgaria—helping to build the post‑Cold War order.

Now, he says, that work is being dismantled.

“To some extent, I’m trying to help save my life’s work. And I’m not alone in this. My colleagues—this is true of so many people, my life’s work is under very serious threat.”

The threat is not abstract. The State Department has lost most of its senior career diplomats. Expertise on Iran, Russia, and other critical regions has walked out the door—or been pushed. And the administration has made clear that political loyalty, not competence, is the only currency that matters.

The Benjamin Franklin Fellowship: A Loyalty Test

Rubin draws a stark comparison that has gotten attention. The State Department recently derecognized all of its employee organizations— including AFSA, whichRubin led, and more than 30 other groups, some more than 50 years old. They were simply banned.

At the same time, the Benjamin Franklin Fellowship, a Heritage Foundation project, has been given official recognition and endorsement. Deputy Secretary of State Chris Landau is a proud member and encourages employees to join.

“It’s kind of like the Communist Party in the Soviet Union. If you wanted to get ahead, you damn well had to join. This administration claims to be for meritocracy, but in reality it’s the opposite. Political loyalty is the most important and really the only factor in assignments and promotions,” says Rubin.

The message is clear: you don’t have to join, but you won’t advance if you don’t. And it’s not loyalty to a party. It’s loyalty to one person.

“We Don’t Have a Single Career Diplomat Negotiating with Iran”

Rubin points to the catastrophic war with Iran as the most vivid example of what happens when expertise is purged.

“We have no career diplomat, no career CIA analyst, nobody who knows Iran, nobody who knows how to do diplomatic negotiations. And what a surprise, it’s failing.”

The two negotiators with Iran, Rubin notes, are “Zionist Bibi Netanyahu supporters” who oppose a two‑state solution. He does not question their intelligence, but he does question why anyone would pick them instead of experienced diplomats like former diplomat and CIA Director Bill Burns.

“The idea that we don’t need expertise and knowledge and experience is leading us into really dangerous territory.”

The Erosion of Advice – and the Return of the Spoils System

Rubin traces the current crisis back to a fundamental shift: federal employees no longer have agency. They are afraid to share dissenting opinions. No one will say to a political boss, “I don’t think that’s the right answer, can I tell you why?”

That used to be how things worked. The modern Foreign Service was created in 1924, and the civil service was reformed after the assassination of President Garfield by a job seeker. The idea was simple: nonpartisan, nonpolitical experts give their best advice to elected leaders, and the leaders decide— as long as their decisions are legal.

“That concept is now being essentially eliminated. What we’re risking is sliding back into the spoils system of the 1880s.”

He adds a chilling detail: new employees coming into the Foreign Service are afraid to join AFSA because they fear retaliation. “Once upon a time I would have thought that was impossible. It’s not. It’s real.”

“Even If We Have a New President, Our Allies Won’t Trust Us”

Peter Mina asks the hard question: after all of this, why would any ally trust the United States again? We are just one election away from returning to where we are now.

Rubin acknowledges the pain.

“When President Biden won in 2020 and said ‘America is back,’ our allies asked, ‘For how long?’ In 2026, they won’t even ask that question anymore. The confidence and trust are gone.”

And yet, he still urges people to join the Foreign Service.

“We are going to be the richest, most powerful country in the world for the rest of our lives. And that country needs diplomacy and it needs diplomats. We’ve lost so many people. We need you.”

He acknowledges that things won’t go back to the way they were. USAID cannot be revived. The politics are not conducive. But America must find a way to play a constructive role again, and that starts with recruiting a new generation of officers.

What Gives Him Hope—and What You Can Do

Despite everything, Rubin is not without hope.

“I really do believe we’re at bottom. Things will get better. Can I prove that? Of course not. But I believe it.”

He points to the recent election results in Hungary as a positive sign after years of negative developments. He notes that the judiciary has held in many cases. And he believes that Americans are beginning to understand that “fortress America” is a fantasy.

His calls to action are simple:

“International engagement is the basis of our prosperity and security. Americans need to recognize that and do something about it. Host an exchange student. Support organizations working overseas on food security and public health. And vote.”

He also notes, with a touch of dark humor, that Donald Trump’s visage will soon appear on every U.S. passport, something no other country does, not even Putin’s Russia.

“It’s not done. But that’s what’s happening. The message is: you have to be loyal to the absolute monarch.”

One Quote That Stays With You

“People are afraid to share dissenting opinions. No one is going to say to political bosses, ‘I don’t think that’s the right answer. Can I tell you why?’ That’s how it’s supposed to work. But they don’t dare.”

-Ambassador Eric Rubin

Listen and Watch the full Podcast Here:

Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 400 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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The Revolution was won through alliances, humility about power, and relentless resolve—not bluster or unilateralism. As the nation marks 250 years, it falls to citizens—not politicians—to reclaim those truths and apply them to the present moment.

In two months, the United States will celebrate the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. The signing of the Declaration marks the official beginning of the nation, and the start of a lengthy struggle to make our independence a reality. That struggle contains important lessons today.

It is our tragedy that not since the Declaration was written, 250 years ago, have we been led by people more ignorant of the Declaration, or more contemptuous of its principles, than we are now. We can expect little of value from the official messages and ceremonies organized by the federal government. Every effort will be made to turn these into celebrations of Donald Trump.

Fortunately, the administration does not have a monopoly on the American story. Now is the time for true patriots to offer our own thoughts, our own reflections, our own commemorations. We should not do this, however, in a spirit of nostalgia. Instead, we should look back on the Declaration and the Revolution it ignited to strengthen ourselves with lessons that speak to our time.

Lesson #1–Allies Matter

The current administration has little use for allies or practicing diplomacy. Countries once viewed as trusted partners are described at the highest levels as vampires, sucking America’s blood and treasure and giving nothing in return. Arbitrary tariffs, threats to Greenland, and a major war in the Middle East—about which no American friend was consulted—are leading allies to distance themselves from America. Meanwhile, ambassadors around the world have been fired for the crime of having been appointed under Biden. Key positions sit vacant, while obnoxious political hacks have been sent to Paris, Warsaw, and other major posts.

How different was the perspective of American leaders in 1776. It was sustained and clever American diplomacy that won the war by drawing France to our side. The country’s best and brightest—Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson—were sent to Paris to build relations and persuade France to send aid. A great effort was made to influence public opinion and educate the people of France about the American cause.

America welcomed French sympathizers like the Marquis de Lafayette, who developed close friendships with people like Washington and Jefferson. These French sympathizers played a central role in persuading their countrymen to side with the Americans.

The Americans understood how their interests and those of France could be aligned. France wanted to weaken its great enemy, England. The French had recently been humiliated during the Seven Years’ War (the French and Indian War, as it is known in the United States). They had lost Canada to the British. They wanted revenge and saw the creation of an independent United States, indebted to France and allied against British power, as a tremendous opportunity.

Benjamin Franklin, the most famous American of his time, arrived in Paris in December 1776. He adroitly reshaped his image to gain entrance to French society. Franklin was a sophisticated scientist at home in London’s best salons, but he donned a fur hat and play-acted the uncouth American frontiersman to win over the French. As Stacy Schiff describes the effect in “A Great Improvisation: Franklin, France, and the Birth of America, the French quickly adopted the ‘coiffure a la Franklin,’ in which every effort was made to sculpt hair into the shape of a backwoods hat.”

One might think it would be impossible to convince a French King and Queen to support a revolution against kings and hereditary privilege. Somehow, Franklin did it. That’s diplomacy.

French artillery helped the then-colonials win the Battle of Saratoga. French soldiers joined with Americans to besiege Savannah. France established a permanent naval base at Newport. The French fleet defeated the British at the Battle of the Chesapeake, enabling the decisive American-French victory at Yorktown that ended the war.

With France showing the way, Spain joined the war against England. So did the Dutch. Isolated and faced with threats across its Empire, Great Britain was forced to concede.

Lesson #2–No One Holds All the Cards

Donald Trump regularly opines that the weak have no chance against the strong. He berated Ukrainian President Zelensky for imagining he could hold out against Russia, since “without us, you don’t have any cards.” Iran is repeatedly imagined to be on the brink of surrender in the face of American firepower.

One might imagine that recent American experiences in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan would have taught a different lesson. But any American paying attention would have learned this lesson in elementary school. On paper, the American revolutionaries had no chance against Britain, the world’s premier naval power. We had no professional army, no navy, and few trained officers. We were divided into 13 separate states without a central government. We had agricultural economies and little industry.

But we won. Strength has many sources, and the power of a nation’s weapons is just one factor. Determination and leadership matter. Morale matters. Friends and allies matter. Intelligence and spycraft matter. Even the strongest opponents have weaknesses that careful planning and execution can exploit. The British were forced to realize that the costs of continuing to fight a war across the Atlantic, in a landscape where the enemy could always melt away, against a people no longer willing to be subservient, outweighed any possible gains.

As historian Jonathan Dull notes in A Diplomatic History of the American Revolution: “The British government, blind to the danger of an American rebellion, failed to provide itself in advance with allies or to compromise with its enemies.” Making concessions to the Americans was seen by British imperialists as a dangerous weakness. Forcing the rebels to cave would send the right signal to the other colonies.

Overconfidence in hard power can be fatal. Real strength often lies elsewhere, as our revolutionary forebears demonstrated. A country that foregoes soft power and imagines that everyone will roll over for its bullying is setting itself up for hubris and humiliation.

Lesson #3–We Have Not Yet Begun to Fight!

John Paul Jones uttered these famous words while captaining the Bonhomme Richard, a ship given to the Americans by Louis XVI and named after Franklin (in his guise as Poor Richard, author of the famous Almanac). The Richard was sinking, and Jones was being asked to surrender. Instead, he fought on.

We, too, must fight on by not letting others define who we are. We must not let our history, our symbols, our anniversaries be appropriated by those who seek to twist them for their own un-American purposes. Let’s remember, learn, and celebrate.

Adam Wasserman is a retired CIA analyst with experience on failing democracies in the former Soviet Union, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. He served on the State Department Policy Planning Staff, the CIA Red Cell, and the National Security Council staff. He is a member of The Steady State.

Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 400 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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The Supreme Court’s latest voting rights decision echoes its most infamous precedents, effectively removing Black Americans from meaningful political participation in multiple states and raising profound questions about the Court’s democratic legitimacy.

In the aftermath of the Civil War and the disastrous presidency of Andrew Johnson, Congress in 1868 passed the 14th Amendment, which guaranteed birthright citizenship and equal protection under the law. In early 1870, the 15th Amendment, which guaranteed Black males the right to vote, entered into law. The Republican controlled Congress enacted the Civil Rights Act in 1875 as part of reconstruction and to implement the 15th Amendment with the aim of ensuring equal treatment for Black people in America in public accommodation, transportation, and jury service. In the contested election of 1876, Rutherford B. Hayes ultimately was proclaimed the winner over Samuel Tilden. In exchange for being declared the winner, Hayes brought a formal end to Reconstruction by withdrawing the last Federal troops from South Carolina in 1877 and signing the Posse Comitatus Act in 1878. In 1883, a mere eight years after the Civil Rights Act had been made the law of the land, the Supreme Court declared it to be unconstitutional, laying the groundwork for the even worse “separate but equal” Plessy v. Ferguson decision in 1896. In ignoring the promises of the 14th and 15th Amendments, these two decisions by the Supreme Court provided a firm legal basis for Jim Crow and its attendant horrors across the former Slave States. Black people “were disappeared” from political life for decades.

Frederick Douglass was appropriately outraged by the Supreme Court’s decision to exclude Black people from the civil rights guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States. As he observed, “the Supreme Court of the United States is the autocratic point in our National Government. No monarch in Europe has a power more absolute over the laws, lives, and liberties of his people, than the Court has over our laws, lives, and liberties.” In noting Roger Taney’s Dred Scott decision, he lamented “O for a Supreme Court of the United States which shall be as true to the claims of humanity, as the Supreme Court formerly was to the demands of slavery! When that day comes, as come it will, a Civil Rights Bill will not be declared unconstitutional and void, in utter and flagrant disregard of the objects and intentions of the National legislature by which it was enacted, and of the rights plainly secured by the Constitution.”

Douglass’ vision did come true with the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965 and its reaffirmation by Congress in 1982. Then on April 29, 2026, Douglass’ lament replaced his vision. After gunning for the Voting Rights Act for decades, John Roberts and his Majority did what his spiritual predecessors did in 1883: they have “disappeared” Black people from political life in at least Louisiana, Alabama, Florida, Tennessee, and Mississippi. They may succeed in other states with substantial Black populations such as North Carolina and South Carolina as well.

As the “autocratic point in our National Government”, the Court can use its unique position to be the defender of Constitutional rights against aggressive state action, or it can turn itself into a super-legislature, in which its policy views overwhelm the democratic institutions charged with making laws. The Justices can put their collective thumb on the political process, aiding the political and economic interests of the party that nominated them to the Supreme Court under the guise of merely “calling balls and strikes”. The Court, which is composed of nine unelected justices with life tenure, still maintains the power that Frederick Douglass described over a century and a half ago. It can support democratic principles and uphold the Constitution, to include the post-Civil War amendments, or it can contribute to democracy’s demise by enhancing, if not entrenching, one party rule.

Given its open hostility to minority rights and, in Louisiana v. Callais, turning the rationale that underscores the post-Civil War Amendments on its head, the Court has achieved a long term goal of the Chief Justice and its majority. The result will almost certainly be the disappearance of Black elected representatives from the Deep South, the same outcome that resulted from the 1883 decision. To the extent the Roberts Majority has any legitimacy after its romp through established precedent and unprecedented use of the Shadow Docket, the use of its power to overturn one of the most important pieces of civil rights legislation in the nation’s history drains its legitimacy reserves down to near zero.

America has struggled with slavery and race since slaves were first brought to the shores of Virginia in 1619. The Civil War, initially fought by the United States to save the Union, ultimately became a war to end slavery. The Civil War clearly did not resolve the question of equal rights for the formerly enslaved. The 14th and 15th Amendments were intended to provide a Constitutional basis for those rights. While America has made great strides as a multi-racial diverse democracy in its 250 years of independence, the Roberts Majority has shown that the struggle for equal rights is never fully won.

James Petrila spent over thirty years as a lawyer in the Intelligence Community, working at the National Security Agency and, for most of his career,at the Central Intelligence Agency. He has taught courses on counterterrorism law and legal issues at the CIA at the George Washington University School of Law. He is currently a senior advisor to the Institute for the Study of States of Exception and is a member of The Steady State.

Founded in 2016, The Steady State is a nonprofit 501(c)(4) organization of more than 400 former senior national security professionals. Our membership includes former officials from the CIA, FBI, Department of State, Department of Defense, and Department of Homeland Security. Drawing on deep expertise across national security disciplines, including intelligence, diplomacy, military affairs, and law, we advocate for constitutional democracy, the rule of law, and the preservation of America’s national security institutions.

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